STF will decide on Collor’s sentence – 05/30/2023 – Elio Gaspari

At the age of 73, former president and former senator Fernando Collor could be sentenced to a sentence of between seven and nine years in prison in a closed regime, with the right to some appeals. If it were up to Minister Edson Fachin, it would be 33 years, ten months and ten days. According to this account, Collor would be released at the age of 107.

Since last week, when the court condemned him for misdeeds committed as a senator, between 2010 and 2014, the dosimetry of the sentence has been calculated. This case has nothing to do with the period in which Collor held the Presidency and left it in 1992. This process, which detailed the corrupt apparatus of his government, was sent to the archives by the same Supreme Court.

Judicial decision is not discussed, but turmoil is not understood. The accusations against Collor came from the late Operation Lava Jato, with its award-winning accusations. Years passed, a citizen leafs through the newspaper and, on the even pages, Judge Sergio Moro’s gang is the defendant. The then attorney Deltan Dallagnol lost his mandate as a federal deputy. In the odd numbers, it is a symbol of the fight against corruption, allowing for Collor’s conviction. Voting for the acquittal of the former senator, Minister Gilmar Mendes refused to sentence him because the accusations came from informers, including confessed criminals.

The Supreme Court, which dismissed the case of the robbery machine of a President of the Republic, can send him to jail for crimes committed while in office as a senator. If he hadn’t made the first decision, the second misdeed would never have happened. This in a country that saw a former president jailed by the courts and, years later, exonerated, he was restored to power by popular will. In a sign of the times, Cristiano Zanin, Lula’s brave lawyer at the time when Lava Jato treated him like a floor cloth, is the favorite to fill a vacancy in the Supreme Court.

The uproar of the Judiciary reflects a certain perplexity on the national level with the misdeeds of its confreres. While thousands of poor Brazilians languish in jail for minor crimes, the Maganos are stroked while they have some power and stoned when they return to the ground. Collor became an example of this decline. As a senator, he voted to impeach President Dilma Rousseff and later embraced Bolsonarism.

More than half a century ago, Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal wrote that government checks, when they don’t work, can lead to an increase in corruption: “New laws, when not enforced, can encourage cynicism.” Myrdal wrote this thinking about countries in Asia.

With its melancholy outcome, Operation Lava Jato poisoned the fight against corruption in Brazil for many years, which is also nothing new because, in 1960, Jânio Quadros was elected riding a broom and, many years later, weakened, he was taken to Switzerland to locate the bank where he had left his savings.

The cunning of the national upstairs has produced situations that scramble Myrdal’s reasoning. The control mechanisms don’t work, but they manage to show that they work.

Collor fell into that grinding machine that loses power.

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