Lula tries to increase support amid pressure for positions – 02/08/2023 – Politics

In the first meeting with allied parties since the resumption of work in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) promised this Wednesday (8) a management with open doors to the National Congress.

The speech given at the Planalto Palace to leaders and presidents of parties that make up his coalition follows Lula’s strategy of trying to broaden his support base as much as possible, not only for the approval of projects, but to escape the scenario of isolation and confrontation with the Legislative which, in 2016, culminated in the impeachment of PT Dilma Rousseff.

This attempt also takes place in the midst of a backstage dispute between the parties for positions in the second and third echelons of ministries, in Brasília and in the states, and in a climate of mutual distrust.

According to reports made to Sheetthe speeches of party leaders and allied parliamentarians at the meeting took place in a mild and supportive tone, typical of an early government.

Behind the scenes, however, there is a lot of dissatisfaction in relation to claims that have not yet been met and the recent crusade of the Chief Executive against the Central Bank’s monetary policy.

Several of Lula’s ministers were present at the meeting, such as Fernando Haddad (Finance), Rui Costa (Casa Civil), Alexandre Padilha (Institutional Relations) and Geraldo Alckmin (Industry and Commerce), in addition to leaders and leaders of leftist and PSD parties. , MDB, União Brasil, among other minor acronyms.

It was suggested and accepted by Lula, for example, the proposal that he receive separately the parties of his coalition.

The biggest criticism from allies at this moment is because the government holds back the release of positions to measure the degree of loyalty of the parties in the first votes of important projects in Congress, which has not yet occurred.

Parliamentarians say that there may be rebellions in these polls if the allotment promises are not unlocked.

It has been common, they say, for a promise of office to be approved by the Planalto, but to end up barred when the negotiation goes down to the ministry. Another common situation, according to reports, is the handing over of the leadership of the ministry to a certain party, but without the caption being able to indicate relevant posts within the internal structure of the portfolio.

Lula has a fragile original support base —the left occupies only about a quarter of the Chamber and Senate— and, since before the election, he has sought to strike deals with the center and the right. So far, he has gained support from the PSD, MDB and União Brasil, to whom he has distributed nine ministries.

Even so, Lula and his ministers also seek in the center (PP, Republicans and PL, who formed the base of support for Jair Bolsonaro) allies in retail, since there are several parliamentarians in these parties willing to join the government if they have or keep their spaces. in the federal machine.

There are also negotiations with smaller parties, such as Podemos.

On the 1st, Lula won a victory with the re-election of Rodrigo Pacheco (PSD-MG) in the Senate, by 49 votes to 32, which ruled out the possibility of the House being under Bolsonarist control.

In the Chamber, he also welcomed the easy re-election of Arthur Lira (PP-AL), since since the transition he had given up confronting the leader of the centrão —which sealed the approximation of the two.

Lula’s priority in Congress, at the beginning of his term, is the approval of the fiscal framework that will replace the spending ceiling, the tax reform, in addition to the provisional measures that restructured the Esplanada —which grew from 23 to 37 portfolios. Projects in response to the January 8 coup attacks are also on the priority list.

Lula’s interlocutors claim that the intensification of dialogue with Congress has been one of the president’s most frequent guidelines for his ministers.

The strengthening of the relationship with the Legislature is crucial for the Executive to implement measures seen as essential for the success of the PT administration and which have a high level of difficulty to be approved.

This is the case of tax reform. Elected by the economic team as a priority for changing the country’s fiscal scenario, changes in the tax system have been under discussion in Parliament for more than three decades and never advanced.

Dilma’s impeachment is always remembered, as well as that of Fernando Collor de Mello in 1992. In both cases, the president’s relationship with Congress was considered distant and conflicting.

The Executive’s main effort is to create a solid base in the Chamber. The Senate had a stronger influence on the composition of the ministries and is seen as a House that will give less difficulties to the PT.

Still in the transition, the president’s interlocutors told allies that the idea was to nominate the ministers at first and, from the second week of January onwards, start nominating for leadership positions in each body.

The January 8 attacks, however, changed the political agenda and the nominations did not materialize. Planalto members began to say that the nominations would come out after January 24, the date of publication of the decree that formalized the PT management structure.

In a new speech modulation, the prediction passed on to allies was that nominations would remain for after the election of the presidents of the Chamber and of the Senate, but they have not yet been unlocked.

Lula’s interlocutors claim that the idea is to make the negotiation flow for the occupation of important positions in the public machine, but that there will be a reserve that will only be distributed in more difficult votes in the Chamber, as a way to win votes.

Despite this, in most of his speeches, including public ones, Lula has insisted on the orientation for his ministers and secretaries to promptly accept meetings requested by deputies and senators in order to receive demands and solve problems.

In addition to positions in the federal administration in Brasília and in the states, parliamentarians also guide their relationship with the Executive through the distribution of amendments to the Budget, among other demands.