Lots of CPIs, political guerrillas and the Congress that wants to bend Lula – 05/18/2023 – Vinicius Torres Freire

Congress is free, heavy and loose. It’s still bad news for the government. Note the number of CPIs that are being approved, some of them capable of producing toxic foam. There are also plans to overturn initiatives by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva such as anti-gun decrees or demarcations of indigenous lands.

For now, they are skirmishes and hotbeds of political guerrillas. But they indicate the government’s great difficulty in reaching an agreement sufficient to pacify the Chamber in particular, which means Arthur Lira (PP-AL), its president, and aggregate leaders.

The deal is unpalatable and can be poisonous. Basically, it means giving Lira and its collegiate command a variant of control over the flow of parliamentary amendments.

Lula’s life would not be easy anyway, as this is a particularly right-wing Congress, for various reasons, in a country that chooses right-wing mayors and parliamentarians en masse and where almost half voted for Jair Bolsonaro. The climate is such that even Lira has called herself a liberal since she was a child and has become the guarantor of the “reforms”, to the applause of money holders.

The MST’s CPI can cause burns, although so far it is nothing more than a message from the agro to Lula and an attempt to launch the campaign of Ricardo Salles (PL-SP), aka Boiada, to the São Paulo city hall.

The CPI of the Coup Acts has been a bit of a zombie, but it should start next week. He could die of inappetence, the government and the far-right opposition, which runs the risk of seeing their shots backfire. That is, in more complications for Bolsonarism’s political, digital and business leaders. But it can also yield lunatic lies to feed social networks, which accept anything, and encourage demented militancy.

There will be a CPI for the time being disheartened by NGOs, investigations since 2002. In the list there is also a CPI of Americanas, which would be very amusing if it were serious, and the one of sports betting.

In the routine of Congress, these investigations tend to fall into oblivion, into bored oblivion. Even so, because there are so many, they are a sign of disorder on the Planalto and that the parliamentary command gives rope to those who want to make noise. Despite the successful processing of said fiscal framework, Lula 3 is unable to propose a dominant agenda, which throws rogue diversionism to the side or blocks risky initiatives.

The movement in general is that of the right that wants to demonstrate its strength for Lula, like that of agro and evangelical political leaders. The government is unable to dialogue even with the “broad front” liberals who supported it in the second round in 2022, who are in bitter disappointment. Much less invented a way to talk to the agro and evangelicals, very hard bone.

Politics in Congress is obviously not a reflection of social movements. But social articulations or armistices matter —by the way, it should be noted that even the Council, back, was ignored more than usual. Of course, there are limits to the conversation, not least because many people on the right just want to see Lula’s back, to use mild terms. Part of her wanted to hit. It’s not easy at all, admit it.

The years 2003 and 2004, Lula 1’s first biennium, were also tense and confusing, for other reasons. With the worn baggage of more than 13 years in power, an enormous right, digital politics, a decade of institutional turmoil and economic depression, in addition to an exhausted state, the task is now much more complicated. It can be a little less so if there is an attractive political and reform program and agreements to change the environment. There isn’t yet and the “growth miracle” won’t come anytime soon, if it does.

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