Bolsonarist corruption, an epilogue – 04/12/2023 – Conrado Hübner Mendes

Bolsonarist corruption is a way of life. Family life. In 2022, I narrated this soap opera in ten chapters.

The series went through “cracks”, ghost advisors, buying real estate with suitcases of money, decreeing unrestricted secrecy, data blackout, gold bars, robotics kits, secret budget, electoral harassment, kleptocratic militarism, arms militia, fraud vaccine. With Augusto Aras and Augusto Heleno on pocket keychains. The last chapter concluded: “It looks like ruin, but it’s still deconstruction.”

It’s not over and it won’t end.

Defeated in elections he sought to suppress, Jair Bolsonaro fled into self-exile in Orlando before ending his term. He didn’t pass the banner, he tried to coup with his generals and Minister of Justice.

He returned, was subjected to police interrogation, forced to return the jewels hidden in his racing driver’s farm and to render accounts on the R$ 16 million jewels seized. Crime of embezzlement, but, according to his son Flávio, “a very personal gift, regardless of the value”.

We live to witness a raptor’s pathetic epilogue. Or will it be the first chapter of a new season? It will depend on the justice system, a historical accomplice of Bolsonarist corruption.

Jair Bolsonaro’s biography does not accept distinctions of the republic: between public and private; between State, government and family; between people and chorus of supporters; between election and acclamation, institutions and people. Between fundamental rights and the wishes of the majority, between freedom and the contingent prevalence of the strongest and most astute.

Bolsonaro is a private subject who represents only himself. He has a cognitive block to rule of law abstractions. He doesn’t care about the law, but who applies it. Who can be intimidated, captured or absorbed into the scheme. The Ibama or Revenue inspector, the head of the Federal Police, the Attorney General of the Republic, the judge, the minister of the STF or STJ: there is no law mediating relations, only allies to reward and enemies to fight.

There were 30 years of preparing a politician for delinquency, under the lenient gaze of the Supreme Court and the Chamber of Deputies. The historic occasion made him the autocrat who lifted Brazil to the crest of the global wave of democratic decline. Where we still are, but hoping to slow, stop and reverse the decline.

The institution “ministers say”, that faceless voice, violating judicial ethics, fueled by declaratory journalism off the record, revealed that “Bolsonaro will be ineligible, but should not be arrested”. We don’t know how many ministers are part of “say ministers”, but the message implies an informal amnesty agreement. Informal and corrupt.

Do not doubt that a new irresponsibility of Bolsonarista corruption, after four years of serial and institutional criminality, will come packaged as an achievement of the “decriminalization of politics”. How was the nomination and reappointment of Augusto Aras, an indispensable pillar of the debacle.

Because the reduction of the world of Justice between car washes (by hetero-declaration) and anti-lava-jatistas (by self-declaration) has led us to a sectarian idiocy that is very profitable for business and legal interests. Trap that progressive parties bought without realizing it. Cynical tactic that the center adopted knowing well what it is about.

The “party law” flattered Augusto Aras for everything he was no longer doing in 2020. Later, when deliberate killings and coup threats were ignored by its decriminalizing ray, the lobbyist law claimed that, “to face the return of lava -jetism, it is necessary to bring back Dr. Aras”. Making shade from the car wash has become big business.

The legal scheme for accommodating Bolsonarists does not, however, only involve Dr. Aras. It involves everyone who gave him peace of mind and certainty that he would not suffer consequences for the legal duties he failed to fulfill. The STF prevented the Superior Council of the Public Ministry from prosecuting him.

There was also an intricate little table between the STF, STJ and TJ-RJ to make the investigation of family “cracks” unfeasible. We are witnessing monocratic invalidations of lengthy investigation efforts against Bolsonaro, the rejection of impropriety actions against Bolsonarist ministers or the simple shelving.

After all, Bolsonaro still hasn’t suffered a complaint. “Ministers say” it is judicial time. In that “judicial time” we will all be dead.

Flávio summarized: our corruption is very personal. It is against communism, conservative of the values ​​of the armed family, for the freedom to incite panic in schools, steal jewelry and get rich through crime. A wealthy citizen will never be enslaved.

But our corruption is also very magistocratic. It would not survive without the cowardice and approval of the magistocracy.

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