Racial inequality continues on the left and right – 11/10/2023 – Market

Racial inequality continues on the left and right – 11/10/2023 – Market

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Despite left-wing parties historically having agendas closer to movements to combat racial discrimination and launching more black candidates than right-wing parties, all currents do poorly in the number of black and brown people elected.

In 2014, there were 897 candidates for left-wing black federal deputies, out of a total of 2,144 (41.8%); 1,245 were from the center, out of 3,055 (40.8%); 191, out of 624, were right-wing (30.6%).

Four years later, in 2018, there were 1,088 black candidates on the left out of 2,431 candidates (44.8%); 1,282 were centrist, out of 2,851 (45%); 747 were on the right, out of 2,260 (33.1%).

Among the deputies who ended up being elected in 2014, the left fielded 47 black candidates out of a total of 161 (29.2%); the center, 35 of 223 (15.7%); the right, 20 of 129 (15.5%).

In 2018, despite a greater number of candidates, fewer black people were elected on the left: 40 of 152 (26.3%); in the center, there were 15 of 65 (23.1%); on the right, there were 69 of 293 (23.6%).

When considering black women, inequality is even greater. In 2018, they were 28% of left-wing candidates for the Chamber, 27% of center candidates and 20% of right-wing candidates. Six were elected on the left and six on the right and one in the center.

These data are part of the book “Racial Discrimination Numbers”, by Insper researchers Michael França and Alysson Portella, released in October, and which gave rise to a series on the topic that Sheet has been publishing in recent weeks.

To arrive at these numbers, the study used the Electoral Data Repository of the TSE (Superior Electoral Court), in which microdata from the elections are published and which brings together characteristics of the candidates — such as gender, age, occupation and declared assets — and, since 2014, , the self-declared race.

To estimate the racial composition of voters, the researchers used the Pnad (Continuous National Household Sample Survey), from IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics) to calculate the proportion of black people of working age.

They also built the Racial Balance Index, which compares the population of blacks in a reference group (such as the electorate of a state, for example), with that found in a certain group (such as elected representatives) and which goes from -1 to 1.

In this indicator, the closer to zero, the greater the racial balance, and negative values ​​indicate that whites are more represented than blacks in a given category.

In the case of political representation, the balance index for left-wing candidates in 2014 was -0.21 points, -0.25 for those from the center and -0.49 for those on the right. In 2018, it got worse for the left and right: it went to -0.25, -0.22 and -0.43, respectively.

Among those elected, the index varied from 2014 to 2018 from -0.50 to -0.60 on the left, from -0.75 to -0.71 in the center and -0.74 to -0.62 on the right.

For economists, the data reinforces the need to discuss the representation of the black population in power roles.

In theory, people would choose representatives who serve their interests, but in the Brazilian case there is a curious pattern, in which elite people and, basically, white men occupy power, says França, who is also a columnist for Sheet.

“As much as we may have some good candidates who are high-income white men, who have good intentions and want to positively impact people’s lives, they will have social class, gender and racial biases. This will affect their choices and their agendas.”

França highlights that some systematic errors in the design of public policies may even be a reflection of this class, race and gender perspective.

“The political system, from the moment it includes women, black people and individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds, benefits from these experiences. This can affect not only the agenda, but communication. A high-income white man can say the same thing as a black woman from the outskirts, but the way of expressing the message will be different.”

The dominance of white men in positions of power could also lead to a crisis of legitimacy over time, with the majority of the population not seeing themselves in their representatives, adds the researcher.

“From the point of view of political representation, there are several studies showing that black politicians are more aligned with the agendas of the black population, with affirmative policies, for example. In this sense, it is important to have a group in politics that actually represents the demands of this part of society”, says Portella.

Other studies, according to the researcher, point out that having black people in a prominent position also affects positively: a black employer is more likely to hire black employees, a black teacher has positive effects on the performance of black students, fulfilling roles that can be examples of inspiration.

A Datafolha survey in May showed that 60% of Brazilians said they believed that there were few black people in management positions in companies, and 56% said the same in relation to women.

From the point of view of public service, last year, República.org published a study showing that 35.1% of civil servants working in the Federal Executive declared themselves black or mixed race, compared to 56.2% of black people in the population as a whole .

In 2020, the average net monthly salary of black women was equivalent to 66% of what white men received, according to the institute.

“The diversity of the population must be represented in the public service, so that the people who are receiving that service recognize themselves there”, says Vanessa Campagnac, data and communications manager at República.org.

In 2014, the Dilma Rousseff (PT) government enacted a law that reserves 20% of places in federal public competitions for self-declared black or brown people. For Campagnac, the measure is not a silver bullet, but an important alternative.

“The competition is still a democratic gateway, as it is an objective test. What is not democratic is what happened before the test: if the candidate was able to study in good schools, he had the chance to pay for a course, time to dedicate himself. We have to work so that more people are able to try higher-paying careers.”

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